EDWARDS, GOVERNOR OF
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
482
JUSTICE BRENNAN delivered the opinion of the Court.
The Creationism Act forbids the teaching of the theory of
evolution in public schools unless accompanied by instruction in "creation
science." No school is required to teach evolution or creation
science. If either is taught, however, the other must also be taught. Ibid. The theories of evolution and creation science
are statutorily defined as "the scientific evidences for [creation or
evolution] and inferences from those scientific evidences."
Appellees, who include parents of children attending
The Establishment Clause forbids the enactment of any law "respecting an
establishment of religion." The Court has applied a three-pronged
test to determine whether legislation comports with the Establishment Clause.
First, the legislature must have adopted the law with a secular purpose.
Second, the statute's principal or primary effect must be one that neither
advances nor inhibits religion. Third, the statute must not result in an
excessive entanglement of government with religion. Lemon
v. Kurtzman (1971). State action
violates the Establishment Clause if it fails to satisfy any of these prongs.
Lemon's first prong focuses on the purpose that animated
adoption of the Act. "The purpose prong of the Lemon test asks
whether government's actual purpose is to endorse or disapprove of
religion." A governmental intention to promote religion is clear
when the State enacts a law to serve a religious purpose. This intention may be
evidenced by promotion of religion in general or by advancement of a particular
religious belief. If the law was enacted for the purpose of endorsing religion,
"no consideration of the second or third criteria [of Lemon] is
necessary." In this case, appellants have identified no clear secular
purpose for the Louisiana Act.
True, the Act's stated purpose is to protect academic freedom. This
phrase might, in common parlance, be understood as referring to enhancing the
freedom of teachers to teach what they will. The Court of Appeals, however,
correctly concluded that the Act was not designed to further that goal.
We find no merit in the State's argument that the "legislature may not [have]
used the terms 'academic freedom' in the correct legal sense. They might have
[had] in mind, instead, a basic concept of fairness; teaching all of the
evidence." Even if "academic freedom" is read to mean
"teaching all of the evidence" with respect to the origin of human
beings, the Act does not further this purpose.
While the Court is normally deferential to a State's
articulation of a secular purpose, it is required that the statement of such
purpose be sincere and not a sham. It is clear from the legislative history
that the purpose of the legislative sponsor, Senator Bill Keith, was to narrow
the science curriculum. During the legislative hearings, Senator Keith stated:
"My preference would be that neither [creationism nor evolution] be
taught." Such a ban on teaching does not promote -- indeed, it
undermines -- the provision of a comprehensive scientific education.
It is equally clear that requiring schools to teach
creation science with evolution does not advance academic freedom. The Act does
not grant teachers a flexibility that they did not already possess to supplant
the present science curriculum with the presentation of theories, besides
evolution, about the origin of life.
Furthermore, the goal of basic "fairness" is
hardly furthered by the Act's discriminatory preference for the teaching of
creation science and against the teaching of evolution. While requiring
that curriculum guides be developed for creation science, the Act says nothing
of comparable guides for evolution. Similarly, resource services are supplied
for creation science but not for evolution. Only "creation
scientists" can serve on the panel that supplies the resource services.
The Act forbids school boards to discriminate against anyone who "chooses
to be a creation-scientist" or to teach "creationism," but fails
to protect those who choose to teach evolution or any other noncreation
science theory, or who refuse to teach creation science.
If the Louisiana Legislature's purpose was solely to
maximize the comprehensiveness and effectiveness of science instruction, it
would have encouraged the teaching of all scientific theories about the origins
of humankind. But under the Act's requirements, teachers who were once free to
teach any and all facets of this subject are now unable to do so. Moreover, the
Act fails even to ensure that creation science will be taught, but instead
requires the teaching of this theory only when the theory of evolution is
taught. Thus we agree with the Court of Appeals' conclusion that the Act does
not serve to protect academic freedom, but has the distinctly different purpose
of discrediting "evolution by counterbalancing its teaching at every turn
with the teaching of creationism...
It was this link that concerned the Court in Epperson
v.
These same historic and contemporaneous antagonisms between
the teachings of certain religious denominations and the teaching of evolution
are present in this case … Senator Keith's leading expert on creation science,
Edward Boudreaux, testified at the legislative hearings that the theory of
creation science included belief in the existence of a supernatural
creator. Senator Keith also cited testimony from other experts to support
the creation-science view that "a creator [was] responsible for the
universe and everything in it." The legislative history therefore
reveals that the term "creation science," as contemplated by the
legislature that adopted this Act, embodies the religious belief that a
supernatural creator was responsible for the creation of humankind.
Furthermore, it is not happenstance that the legislature
required the teaching of a theory that coincided with this religious view …The
sponsor of the Creationism Act, Senator Keith, explained during the legislative
hearings that his disdain for the theory of evolution resulted from the support
that evolution supplied to views contrary to his own religious beliefs.
According to Senator Keith, the theory of evolution was consonant with the
"cardinal principle[s] of religious humanism, secular humanism,
theological liberalism, aetheistism [sic]."
In this case, the purpose of the Creationism Act was to
restructure the science curriculum to conform with a
particular religious viewpoint. Out of many possible science subjects taught in
the public schools, the legislature chose to affect the teaching of the one
scientific theory that historically has been opposed by certain religious
sects. As in Epperson, the legislature passed the Act to give preference
to those religious groups which have as one of their tenets the creation of
humankind by a divine creator. The "overriding fact" that confronted
the Court in Epperson was "that
The Louisiana Creationism Act advances a religious doctrine
by requiring either the banishment of the theory of evolution from public
school classrooms or the presentation of a religious viewpoint that rejects
evolution in its entirety. The Act violates the Establishment Clause of
the First Amendment because it seeks to employ the symbolic and financial
support of government to achieve a religious purpose.
The judgment of the Court of Appeals therefore is Affirmed.
JUSTICE SCALIA, with whom THE CHIEF JUSTICE joins,
dissenting.
Even if I agreed with the questionable premise that legislation
can be invalidated under the Establishment Clause on the basis of its
motivation alone, without regard to its effects, I would still find no
justification for today's decision. The
This case arrives here in the following posture: The
Louisiana Supreme Court has never been given an opportunity to interpret the
Balanced Treatment Act, State officials have never attempted to implement it,
and it has never been the subject of a full evidentiary hearing. We can only
guess at its meaning. We know that it forbids instruction in either "creation-science"
or "evolution-science" without instruction in the other, but the
parties are sharply divided over what creation science
consists of. Appellants insist that it is a collection of educationally
valuable scientific data that has been censored from classrooms by an embarrassed scientific establishment. Appellees
insist it is not science at all but thinly veiled religious doctrine. Both
interpretations of the intended meaning of that phrase find considerable
support in the legislative history.
At least at this stage in the litigation, it is plain to me
that we must accept appellants' view of what the statute means. To begin with,
the statute itself defines "creation-science" as "the scientific
evidences for creation and inferences from those scientific evidences."
"Creation science" is unquestionably a "term of art," and thus, under
Our cases have also
confirmed that when the
It is important to stress that the purpose forbidden by Lemon
is the purpose to "advance religion." Our cases in no way imply that
the Establishment Clause forbids legislators merely to act upon their religious
convictions. We surely would not strike down a law providing money to feed the
hungry or shelter the homeless if it could be demonstrated that, but for the
religious beliefs of the legislators, the funds would not have been approved.
Also, political activism by the religiously motivated is part of our heritage.
Notwithstanding the majority's implication to the contrary we do not presume
that the sole purpose of a law is to advance religion merely because it was
supported strongly by organized religions or by adherents of particular faiths.
To do so would deprive religious men and women of their right to participate in
the political process.
I now turn to the
purposes underlying adoption of the Balanced Treatment Act.
At the outset, it is important to note that the Balanced
Treatment Act did not fly through the Louisiana Legislature on wings of
fundamentalist religious fervor -- which would be unlikely, in any event, since
only a small minority of the State's citizens belong to fundamentalist religious
denominations. The Act had its genesis (so to speak) in legislation
introduced by Senator Bill Keith in June 1980.
Before summarizing the testimony of Senator Keith and his
supporters, I wish to make clear that I by no means intend to endorse its accuracy.
But my views (and the views of this Court) about creation science and evolution
are (or should be) beside the point. Our task is not to judge the debate about
teaching the origins of life, but to ascertain what the members of the
Louisiana Legislature believed.
Most of the testimony
in support of Senator Keith's bill came from the Senator himself and from
scientists and educators he presented, many of whom enjoyed academic
credentials that may have been regarded as quite impressive by members of the
Louisiana Legislature. To a substantial extent, their testimony was devoted to
lengthy, and, to the layman, seemingly expert scientific expositions on the
origin of life. These scientific lectures touched upon, inter alia,
biology, paleontology, genetics, astronomy, astrophysics, probability analysis,
and biochemistry. The witnesses repeatedly assured committee members that
"hundreds and hundreds" of highly respected, internationally renowned
scientists believed in creation science and would support their testimony. .
Senator Keith repeatedly and vehemently denied that his
purpose was to advance a particular religious doctrine. At the outset of the
first hearing on the legislation, he testified: "We are not going to say
today that you should have some kind of religious instructions in our schools.
. . . We are not talking about religion today. . . . I am not proposing that we
take the Bible in each science class and read the first chapter of
Genesis."
Even with nothing more than this legislative history to go
on, I think it would be extraordinary to invalidate the Balanced Treatment Act
for lack of a valid secular purpose. Striking down a law approved by the
democratically elected representatives of the people is no minor matter.
"The cardinal principle of statutory construction is to save and not to
destroy. We have repeatedly held that as between two possible interpretations
of a statute, by one of which it would be unconstitutional and by the other
valid, our plain duty is to adopt that which will save the act...."
Because I believe that the Balanced Treatment Act had a
secular purpose, which is all the first component of the Lemon test
requires, I would reverse the judgment of the Court of Appeals and remand for
further consideration.